
Good morning to the pro-war Tisza politicians applauding in Ukrainian attire!
Hungarian women—led by female politicians and supporters of Fidesz—have been standing firmly against the war with all their strength since it began more than four years ago. The founding principle of the Women’s DPK is peace, which is why we launched the “Women Against War” petition months ago. With our dove-of-peace pins, we also signal to the world in everyday life: we, Hungarian women and mothers, do not want war.
In recent years, I have spoken with many mothers from Transcarpathia whose sons were forcibly conscripted by the Zelensky regime and later returned home in coffins. Meanwhile, representatives of Péter Magyar pledged support for the war in Brussels and remain under the direction of Manfred Weber, who can hardly wait to send European soldiers—including Hungarians—to the front under the leadership of the European People’s Party.
Thus, the call by a Tisza politician to oppose the war is highly two-faced, shameless, and merely a political stunt lacking credibility. Everyone sees through them and knows: Fidesz and Viktor Orbán are the reliable choice. Only we can guarantee Hungary’s peace and security—as we have already proven.
Imagine this, Szandra! You said that Ágnes has just realized—at one of the NB’s forums—that Fidesz women should stand up for peace and clearly say they reject war. What do you think about that? I call on female Fidesz politicians to distance themselves from this and to state clearly that they do not want war and do not want to send Hungarian soldiers into any armed conflict.
These statements are coming from those who, by 2027, want Ukraine admitted into the European Union—bringing the war along with it—and whose European People’s Party allies, wherever they are in government, are issuing draft notices and preparing for war. And let’s not forget: their direct leader, Comrade Weber, is dreaming about European Union-uniformed soldiers marching into Ukraine. So let’s be serious.
If I take the call from the Tisza representative seriously for a moment, I would return the ball: we have a “Women Against War” petition, and I suggest she sign it too. This petition is open regardless of party affiliation, so we hope Péter Magyar will not shout Ágnes down if she also stands up for peace instead of war.
Ágnes, we are waiting for your signature!
Yes — in light of this, the text becomes even more visibly propagandistic and self-contradictory.
Because today Gergely Gulyás did in fact say at the Government Info briefing that if Donald Trump requested military assistance from Hungary regarding the Strait of Hormuz, it would be “considered”; at the same time, he added that this is a hypothetical scenario and that the Hungarian army is not suited for naval operations anyway. Meanwhile, several European NATO members have openly stated they do not want to provide military assistance in such a case.
This matters because the core claim of the post is:
“We are the only credible representatives of peace”
while
“the opposition is pro-war, hypocritical, and dangerous.”
However, if a leading government figure openly states that military participation would be considered upon a U.S. request, then the text is not simply propaganda — it is projection-based propaganda: it assigns to the opponent a charge that the government’s own statements have already partially opened up.
Main narrative
👉 “We = peace, mothers, Hungarian women, moral purity”
👉 “They = pro-war, pro-Ukraine puppets under Brussels control”
👉 “Only Fidesz can guarantee peace”
But in this new context, the narrative starts to crack — because the moral posture of “never any war under any circumstances” is hard to reconcile with a response to a Trump request that is not rejection, but: we would consider it.
Deep propaganda structure
1. Moral appropriation: “peace = us”
Examples:
- “Hungarian women… stand with all their strength against war”
- “we, Hungarian women and mothers, do not want war”
- “only we can guarantee Hungary’s peace”
Technique:
- peace is framed not as a political stance, but as moral ownership
- anyone not aligned with them is implicitly placed on the side of war
- the message is legitimized through maternal and caregiving roles
Goal:
- build moral superiority
- delegitimize the opponent without debate
Effect:
- the audience no longer asks what is true, but who is “good”
- “peace” becomes a party brand
In this context, the contradiction is stronger: if the same side does not categorically exclude even considering military participation, then “only we are pro-peace” looks more like branding than a consistent principle.
2. Projection
The text claims that:
- Tisza is hypocritical
- Tisza is pro-war
- Tisza would send Hungarian soldiers
- Weber and his allies want to send troops to the front
Technique:
- shifts the vulnerable point of one’s own side onto the opponent
- classic political projection:
“we are not the ones explaining — you are”
Goal:
- preemptive defense
- cover internal contradictions by louder accusations
Effect:
- the audience focuses on the opponent’s alleged wrongdoing, not the government’s statement
- the debate shifts:
not “what did Gulyás say?” but “who is more pro-Ukraine?”
In this sense, the post is no longer just offensive propaganda — it is also damage-control propaganda.
3. External enemy + internal traitor structure
Examples:
- “Zelensky regime”
- “they swore allegiance to war in Brussels”
- “under the direction of Manfred Weber”
- “they want to send European troops to the front, including Hungarians”
Technique:
- constructs external threats: Ukraine, Brussels, Weber
- designates an internal agent: Tisza
- turns a political opponent into an executor of foreign interests
Goal:
- trigger sovereignty anxiety
- mobilize emotionally
Effect:
- the election becomes “defense of the homeland,” not policy choice
- voting for the opposition is framed as serving external pressure
This structure is especially useful when the government side has made an uncomfortable statement — attention can be redirected to familiar enemies.
4. The hollowing out of the word “peace”
In the text, “peace” is not a concrete foreign policy principle but a rhetorical shield.
Because if peace were a consistent principle, the logic would be:
- we do not send troops
- we do not support military involvement
- we do not leave the door open to participation upon great-power requests
Instead, the public answer was: we would consider it.
This shows that “peace” here is not an absolute principle, but a campaign keyword — valid until it conflicts with geopolitical alignment.
5. Motherhood as a political weapon
Examples:
- “Hungarian women and mothers”
- “I spoke with mothers from Transcarpathia”
- “their sons… returned in coffins”
Technique:
- invokes maternal grief and moral authority
- emotional authentication
- dramatizes anti-war messaging through personal tragedy
Goal:
- make criticism of the message morally risky
- anyone questioning it may appear to be questioning mothers’ suffering
Effect:
- strong emotional identification
- reduced fact-checking
This is a powerful propaganda tool: it ties a political claim to human tragedy, then draws partisan conclusions from it.
6. False exclusivity
Example:
- “Only we can guarantee Hungary’s peace and security”
Technique:
- monopoly claim over competence and responsibility
- excludes the possibility that others could also pursue peace
Goal:
- lock in undecided voters
- simplify the choice:
Fidesz = peace, everyone else = risk
Effect:
- eliminates nuanced evaluation
- voters decide based on fear, not policy
The problem: this “only us” claim is weakened by the government’s own statement, which was not a firm refusal but a conditional openness.
The core contradiction
The essence of the post:
“Tisza is shamelessly lying about being anti-war, because they are actually pro-war.”
But today, a government statement enables the counter-argument:
“You are not absolutely pro-peace either — only until your alliance logic is activated.”
So in this context, the text becomes not just an attack, but a defensive counterattack:
- quickly claims moral high ground
- invokes women and mothers
- points to Weber and Tisza
- tries to preemptively neutralize criticism toward its own side
Summary
From a propaganda perspective, this post has now become even more transparent.
Its mechanism:
- claims a monopoly on peace
- while a government figure leaves military participation open
- therefore amplifies accusations that the opponent is “pro-war”
- wraps everything in maternal, national, and moral framing
- and attempts to cover the internal narrative crack
The most precise description:
this is not a simple peace message, but morally packaged, projection-based crisis communication.