Tag: facebook propaganda

🗣 István Csillag, an expert linked to Tisza, called right-wing people “rats.”
❌ It’s outrageous that a former SZDSZ minister speaks in such a disgraceful way. We’ve heard this same aggressive tone recently when they were insulting women, people from the countryside, and the elderly.

This kind of arrogance and condescending style is exactly what usually leads the left to lose elections.

Let’s show, by filling out the national petition, that we cannot be intimidated!
Let’s say no to further financing of the Russia–Ukraine war.
Let’s say no to making us pay for the functioning of the Ukrainian state over the next 10 years.
❗Let’s say no to war-driven increases in utility prices!❗

🟠 Only Fidesz is the safe choice.

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“What are you doing here in Óbuda?”
“I’m heading to Kéhli for lunch with István Tarlós. We talk from time to time and have lunch together, so I’m just about to hurry in and leave you here.

And did you see that István Csillag, the former liberal minister, said that everyone who fills out the petitions is a rat?”
“I saw, I saw. Well, I encourage everyone to fill out this petition boldly, because it raises very important issues. We must say no to them taking our money and sending it to Ukraine. We must also say no to pouring our money into the war.

And we don’t want Hungarian families’ utility costs to increase because of the war either. We can say no to all of this. I think it’s a very bad and harmful trend that lately comments coming from Tisza supporters are regularly written in such an insulting tone — it’s unbelievable. They call women, rural people, and pensioners stupid. And now they’re calling voters “rats” who stand up for issues important to Hungarians.

So let’s also show, by filling out the petition, that we will not fall for this kind of aggressive style.”

🎯 1️⃣ “They called right-wingers rats” → launching moral panic

This opening is not information — it’s an emotional detonator.

Goal:

• to provoke outrage
• to create the feeling that “we are under attack”
• to activate group identity: “they are insulting us”

What matters is not the exact context of what was said, but that:
👉 the voter emotionally feels like a victim

This is one of the most powerful mobilization tools in politics.

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🧠 2️⃣ One person’s sentence → demonizing an entire side

“Same style toward women, rural people, the elderly…”

Logically, this looks like:

X said something → “this is what THEY are like”

This is collective stigmatization.
Not debate → but enemy image construction.

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🔥 3️⃣ Insult → fear → petition

This is the real structure:

1. Someone said something offensive
2. This is dangerous, aggressive rhetoric
3. This now threatens democracy
4. We must defend ourselves
5. Fill out the petition

This is not public debate.
This is emotional recruitment.

The petition here is not a legal tool, but:
👉 a loyalty test

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🌍 4️⃣ Ukraine + utilities + war = deliberate blending

Notice the slide:

• “Financing Ukraine”
• “War”
• “Rising utility costs”

This suggests:

If Ukraine is supported → your life becomes more expensive

This is causal oversimplification — politically effective, but economically highly debatable.

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🧩 5️⃣ Placing themselves in the victim role

“We will not fall for this aggressive style.”

This is very clever, because meanwhile:

• they use war rhetoric
• they talk about “insults”
• they build an enemy image

yet they present themselves as the peaceful side.

This is called:

the pose of moral superiority combined with attack-style communication

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🟠 6️⃣ The real core is this:

Not Ukraine.
Not utility prices.
Not István Csillag.

But:

“Are you part of the camp or not?”

Filling out the petition = a signal of political loyalty.

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💡 Why does this work?

Because it builds on emotions:

✔ resentment
✔ fear
✔ identity
✔ the feeling that “they look down on us”
✔ group cohesion

That’s far more powerful than any data or policy discussion.

A revealing interview with a disillusioned former Tisza leader.
Practically everything we have been saying about Magyar Péter and his circle has now been confirmed. They lie, they deceive, they serve Brussels, and they are only interested in enriching themselves.

A few key points from the interview:

• The leaked economic program of the Tisza Party fully matches what was communicated internally within the party and was essentially written to meet the expectations of the European People’s Party.
• The Tisza Party’s candidate selection process was a complete sham. All key figures were decided in advance; they were merely looking for figurehead candidates, who were often humiliated.
• The party’s internal direction and its external communication are completely contradictory. What they say publicly is fake; the real line is dictated by Magyar Péter and his inner circle.
• Nothing Magyar Péter has promised so far has ever been fulfilled as promised.
• The party elite works solely for its own financial enrichment.
• “Magyar Péter’s personality is also extremely difficult to work with. When he shows his true face, he is autocratic, condescending, and aggressive.”
• On South American and Ukrainian food imports, there is complete alignment with Brussels and the European People’s Party.

One of today’s most interesting pieces of news is an article published on Index, featuring a man who was previously a member of the Tisza Party and was actively involved—if I recall correctly—in its church affairs working group. The interview offers a glimpse into how Tisza actually operates behind the scenes.

We have already seen that Tisza representatives are kept silent, while Magyar Péter stands at the front as a showcase figure. Behind him, materials are produced that they later actively try to deny or reframe. Now we were able to look behind the curtain a bit, because this former insider explains that the entire candidate selection process was staged. Every important position and every key face of the party had already been decided in advance. They knew exactly who would run in the elections, and next to them they recruited two essentially disposable figurehead candidates—pure window dressing—to make it look like a democratic selection with three candidates to choose from.

He also explains that what they communicate externally is completely different from what they say internally within each policy area. And it also becomes clear from the interview that the Tisza Party’s governing programs—what they would implement if they came to power—are fully aligned with the Brussels agenda that Brussels has continuously tried to impose on us as well.

This is precisely what we have consistently resisted, loudly and amid constant political battles—and will continue to resist. Now this has been confirmed by an insider who left the Tisza Party because he himself could no longer tolerate this double-faced behavior.

So it is worth reading the article and seeing what can truly be expected from a party and a leader whose public image is already so revealing—and how drastically reality differs from their claims once someone gets a glimpse behind the scenes.

🔥 1️⃣ Strong emotional framing at the start (before any evidence)

The judgment is already present in the opening:

• “everything has been confirmed”
• “they lie, they deceive”
• “they serve Brussels”
• “they only want to get rich”

👉 This is not information delivery, but emotional conditioning.
The reader is placed into an anger/betrayal frame before checking anything.

Classic formula:
feeling first → “evidence” later.

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🎭 2️⃣ “Insider” = credibility shortcut

The center of the story is not data, but a role:

• “disillusioned Tisza leader”
• “insider”
• “was in the working group”

This is a rhetorical authority trick.

It does not prove the claim is true — it suggests:
👉 “he knows, because he was inside.”

This is one of the strongest propaganda tools, because:

• no document is needed
• no program quote is needed
• no voting data is needed

The insider narrative alone is enough.

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🎯 3️⃣ Fraud–theater framing

The candidate selection is described as:

• “fake”
• “show figures”
• “humiliation”
• “roles decided in advance”

This is a theater/fraud metaphor.
The political process is framed not as a debatable organizational issue, but as:

🎬 “a staged deception.”

This provokes moral outrage, not policy debate.

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🧠 4️⃣ Accusation of double speech (one of the strongest weapons)

“they say one thing outwardly, another internally”

This is powerful because:

• it’s hard to disprove
• it’s not based on specifics
• but it destroys trust completely

If someone believes this, then from that point on:
👉 every public statement automatically seems like a lie.

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🏛️ 5️⃣ Brussels as the main villain (bringing in an external threat)

The text doesn’t stay at internal party issues, but adds another layer:

• European People’s Party
• Brussels program
• “they want to force it on us”

This shifts the conflict from:

party politics → national sovereignty struggle

So anyone supporting Tisza is no longer just a political opponent, but:

“a servant of foreign interests”

This becomes an identity-level conflict, not a program debate.

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🧨 6️⃣ Character attack (character assassination)

About Péter Magyar:

• autocratic
• condescending
• aggressive

This is not policy — it’s character destruction.
The goal is to attach emotional disgust to the person.

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📌 In summary: what propaganda pattern is this?

This text follows this structure:

Step	Tool	Goal
1	Outrageous opening	Set emotional state
2	“Insider”	Credibility without evidence
3	Fraud narrative	Moral anger
4	Double-speech accusation	Total trust erosion
5	Brussels involvement	Sense of national threat
6	Character attack	Disgust + rejection

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🎯 The bottom line

This is not investigative content, but:

political persuasion built on emotional framing

The goal is not to:

• debate program details
• compare data

but to create this image in the reader’s mind:

“This is a two-faced, power-hungry group, controlled by Brussels and rotten inside.”

That is an emotional judgment, not a proven body of facts.

No one has done more for the social advancement of Hungary’s Roma community than the Fidesz government over the past more than 15 years.
This is also clearly shown by the fact that, according to the Hungarian Central Statistical Office (KSH), the employment rate of Roma people has been steadily increasing since 2015.

Moreover, Fidesz is a political community where, if someone makes a mistake, they are capable of apologizing — as Lázár János did.
By contrast, members of the Tisza movement are incapable of apologizing.

They have never apologized for disregarding the interests of the Hungarian people by supporting the acceleration of the Migration Pact.
Magyar Péter has never apologized to women for the humiliating way he spoke about them.

We believe in responsibility, work, and equal opportunity — that is why Fidesz is the safe choice.

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No one has done more for the advancement of Hungary’s Roma community over the past fifteen years than the Fidesz government. And that is a fact.
And the situation is this: I am very glad that Fidesz is a political community where, if someone makes a mistake — even though the quote is always cut off at Lázár János’s statement and everything he said after that sentence is never discussed — still, it is a political community where, if someone makes a mistake, they are capable of apologizing.

This is something that your political community, the Tisza movement, cannot say about itself at all.
Magyar Péter has never apologized, for example, to the women he offended, whom he spoke about in front of others in the way he did.

You have never apologized for the betrayal you commit day after day in the European Parliament when you vote to accelerate the Migration Pact.
Nor has Ms. Kinga Kohlár, your representative, ever apologized to the Hungarian people when she smilingly and smugly explained how good it is for your electoral chances if things get worse for Hungarians and hospital developments fail to materialize — and the list could go on.

So the reality is this: yes, that is the great difference between your political community and ours — that we have serious people. Serious people like Lázár János, who, when it is justified, is capable of apologizing. You do not have a single such person among you.

🔴 The starting point is NOT a “mistake,” but humiliation

When a politician speaks about an ethnic group in a way that ties them to a degrading, stereotypical job, that is not:

• a slip of the tongue
• a misunderstood sentence
• a “quote taken out of context”

but collective stigmatization.
This is a question of human dignity, not a communication mishap.

No statistic can “balance this out.”

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🟠 What is Alexandra doing in this text?

This is a textbook rhetorical operation:

1️⃣ Downplaying the severity of the insult

“They always only quote the beginning of the sentence.”

This suggests that
👉 the problem is not the statement itself, but that people talk about it.

That’s shifting responsibility.

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2️⃣ Apology = moral superiority

The logic:

“He made a mistake, but he apologized → therefore morally it’s fine.”

But:

⚠️ Ethnic humiliation is not like giving a wrong data point.
An apology does not erase the mindset that the sentence reveals.

Here, “being able to apologize” is not a virtue, but is used as a damage-control PR tool.

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3️⃣ Topic diversion (whataboutism)

Look at the structure:

Lázár’s statement →
⤵️ sudden shift →
Péter Magyar → women → migration pact → EP → hospitals

This is not a defense.
It is distraction, so we don’t talk about the racist content.

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4️⃣ Statistics as moral absolution

“Roma employment rates have increased”

Even if true:

❗ This does not entitle anyone to publicly assign a degrading, stereotypical role to an entire ethnic group.

It’s like saying:
“We’ve done a lot for women, so a demeaning remark is acceptable.”

It isn’t.

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🔵 The deeper, real message

The core of the speech is not about Roma uplift.

It is this:

“Our side is morally superior, because at least we apologize.”

That’s a moral framing, not a factual argument.

Meanwhile, the underlying claim — tying an entire ethnic group to a degrading role — is not truly withdrawn, only communicatively softened.

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⚖️ From a human dignity perspective

From the mouth of a public figure:

• ethnic generalization
• association with low-status labor
• collective labeling

➡️ This is structural devaluation with long-term social impact.

This is not “political debate.”
This is a violation of dignity boundaries.

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🎯 In summary

Alexandra’s speech tries to:

✔ reduce the severity of the insult
✔ turn the apology into a moral shield
✔ divert attention to other scandals
✔ use statistics as moral absolution

But the core fact remains:

A humiliating, stereotypical statement was made about an ethnic group.

And this is not merely a communication issue, but a human and societal one.

❗ Even the country’s wealthiest municipality is required to pay the solidarity contribution.
The Constitutional Court has also ruled that the mayor must comply with the applicable laws, and that the capital city must support villages and towns in more difficult circumstances.
❗ Karácsony Gergely cannot evade responsibility, therefore the budget based on fictitious figures must be corrected without delay.

This fact is not really disputable. Moreover, the Constitutional Court has stated—explicitly and in a novel way—that the payment of the solidarity contribution is not unconstitutional. So it is unclear what more the mayor needs in order to accept that he, too, must follow the rules.
The country’s wealthiest local government must pay the same contribution for poorer municipalities as many other better-off local governments already do—indeed, this applies across Hungary, not just to him.

🎭 1️⃣ Moral framing instead of a legal debate

The text is not talking about:

• exactly how much the contribution is
• what the money is used for
• how it is calculated
• whether it is proportional

Instead, it frames the issue like this:

“rich municipality vs. poor villages”

This is a moral story, not a budgetary question.

👉 Anyone who questions the payment is therefore not presented as making a financial argument, but as someone who:

• doesn’t want to help the poor
• is trying to evade responsibility

This is classic moral cornering.

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⚖️ 2️⃣ “The Constitutional Court has ruled” → closing the debate

This is one of the strongest rhetorical tools:

“the Constitutional Court has ruled”

Its function is not to inform, but to:

shut down further thinking.

The message:

“There’s nothing more to discuss. End of story.”

In reality:

• a ruling does not mean there can be no debate about proportionality, accounting, or political responsibility
• the Court examines constitutionality, not fairness or economic reasonableness

But in the speech, the Court becomes the ultimate moral and professional authority.

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👤 3️⃣ Personalization → “Karácsony cannot evade it”

A system-level issue is turned into an individual moral drama.

Instead of saying:

“The capital is in a budget dispute with the state.”

It says:

“Karácsony cannot evade responsibility.”

This:

• personalizes the conflict
• turns a policy position into a moral character trait
• casts a political leader as a rule-breaker

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🧠 4️⃣ “A budget based on fictitious numbers”

This is a very strong label — without evidence.

We do not hear:

• which numbers are fictitious
• which data are wrong
• who determined this

There is only the accusation.

👉 This technique is called delegitimization.
The goal: don’t debate the budget — debate whether the whole thing is “fake.”

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🏦 5️⃣ “The richest municipality in the country”

This is a key element.

The topic is not Budapest’s population structure, expenditures, or public services, but:

“rich → must pay”

Again, this is moral logic, not administrative reasoning.

The message can be translated like this:

Political issue	How it is framed
central–local financial conflict	the rich don’t want to help the poor
legal interpretation dispute	rule-breaking
budgetary disagreement	irresponsibility

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🧩 6️⃣ Constant repetition = emotional imprinting

The same idea repeated:

• must pay
• must comply
• cannot evade
• must follow the rules

This is not adding information, but psychological reinforcement.

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🧠 In summary: what is this communicatively?

This speech is:

not a policy explanation,
but a morally disciplining narrative.

Its goal is not for you to understand the system, but to feel that:

• there is a rule
• there is authority (the Court)
• there is the “rich”
• there are the “poor”
• and there is one actor who doesn’t want to comply

This is a political message framed in order–discipline–morality terms.

👉🏻 Anti-choking devices for kindergartens
🛣️ Road renovations
📉 A clear and transparent financial report on the capital’s situation
🧹 Clean and safe underpasses

These are our goals for today’s session of the Metropolitan Assembly — stay with us! 🙂

So Alexandra only says what she finds important. But the list they submit to the city assembly tells a different story. And the truth is: the entire assembly has turned into pure propaganda.