Hungary: When Court Rulings Become “Optional” Under Fidesz

Based on what has happened, one clear and grave conclusion can be drawn:
In Hungary, judicial decisions are no longer binding within the Fidesz’s political practice; at best, they are treated as mere recommendations — and this is now openly acknowledged.

The Budapest-Capital Regional Court issued a clear and unequivocal order prohibiting the distribution of a publication containing false information and suitable for political intimidation. The decision was lawful, well-founded, and binding on everyone. Nevertheless, the government-aligned media apparatus did not halt the distribution; instead, it deliberately continued it and even demonstratively promoted it.

In a rare but exceptionally strong statement, the Hungarian Association of Judges warned that
if anyone believes a court decision does not apply to them, they are calling into question the country’s legal order and the fundamental principles of the Fundamental Law.
This is no longer about the authority of the judiciary, but about the collapse of the enforcement of shared rules.

What makes this case truly serious is not the violation itself, but the attitude behind it:

  • the banned material continued to be distributed,
  • the court’s decision was mocked and trivialized on political and media platforms,
  • government actors openly encouraged its dissemination.

This is not a misunderstanding, not an administrative error, not a legal dispute.
👉 This was a deliberate political message:
“Courts matter only until they stand in our way.”

The purpose of the publication was not to inform, but to instill fear, mislead the public on a mass scale, and exert political pressure. When the court stopped this, the response was not retreat, but escalation. This clearly shows that the violation was embraced, the conflict was intentional, and the constraints of the rule of law have become secondary to political gain.

The final conclusion

👉 In Hungary, according to the Fidesz’s exercise of power, courts no longer issue binding decisions — they merely offer recommendations. And for the first time, this is not even being concealed; it is openly defended.

This represents a qualitative rupture in the rule of law:

  • not silent circumvention of the law,
  • not a technical loophole,
  • but a public rejection of the legal order in the form of a political demonstration.

Fidesz Parliamentary Group

“If we don’t have a pro-peace government, we will all pay the price.”

The entire European Union was created so that Europe would not be led by three Germans—parenthesis closed—but right now that is exactly where we are. And this is the war party.
So there is a group in Europe that wants war. At its center is the European People’s Party.
The party called Tisza in Hungary is a member of this war party.
So today, the Hungarian representative of the European war party is called Tisza, while there is also a peace party in Europe—the Patriots.
And the Hungarian representative of the peace party is called Fidesz–KDNP.
2026 will be the last election before a European war.
We must vote for peace.
If we do not have a pro-peace government in 2026, then in 2029–2030 we will all pay the price together.

János Lázár

“They will give it back the same way once Tisza comes to power.
They won’t—at all.”

(0:00) Let Tisza win an election in Hungary in such a way that the Ukrainians repay the loan.
(0:04) For now, the danger—the immediate danger of war—has been averted,
(0:08) but the risk of war is greater than it was before the Brussels summit.
(0:12) So there is no reason for anyone to relax.

(0:14) Why is it greater?
(0:15) Because although the frozen Russian assets were not stolen or confiscated,
(0:21) they decided to provide a war loan.
(0:25) This amounts to 90 billion euros at this moment.
(0:30) This war loan is given to Ukraine, which means that Ukraine will have to repay it.

(0:37) So let Tisza win an election in Hungary in such a way that the Ukrainians repay the loan.
(0:41) That is roughly what this means.
(0:43) We did not come here in vain.

(0:47) So Ukraine has to be given a loan.
(0:50) But there is another problem—not only that they may not repay it, but that they have no money.
(0:54) Some European politicians want war.

(0:57) They believe that a country with nuclear weapons can be defeated in a conventional war.
(1:04) Good luck with that.
(1:06) They should play with their own grandchildren, not ours.

(1:10) Do not trust that European politicians are sober-minded enough not to drag us into a war.

Szentkirályi Alexandra….

🇭🇺 “Let us change the fate that others intended for us! We want Hungarians not to be small and poor, but great and prosperous!”

“I did not set out to put together and lead a government that would simply govern well — others can do that too. What I secretly undertook was something else. I undertook to change the fate of Hungarians — the fate that others assigned to us after the First World War. They destined us to be small and poor, and I want Hungarians to be big and rich. And I am not finished yet.”

“I am not finished yet.”

The quote is one of Viktor Orbán’s classic, grand self-justifications. When viewed from the perspective of 15 years of governance, what emerges behind the sentences is not “misguided promises,” but consistent, narrative-driven falsehoods.


1️⃣ “I didn’t want to govern well” – a retrospective escape hatch

“…to put together and lead a government that governs well…”

What he claims:
Good governance was not the goal—only a means.

The reality after 15 years:

  • This functions as a blanket excuse for every failure.
  • If education, healthcare, public administration, or infrastructure deteriorates → “that wasn’t the goal.”
  • A classic authoritarian technique: rejecting measurability.

👉 Core lie:
He retroactively declares the quality of governance irrelevant.


2️⃣ “Others assigned us our fate” – the myth of the external enemy

“…the fate others assigned to us after World War I…”

What he claims:
Hungarian poverty is the result of a perpetual external will.

The reality:

  • Between 2010–2025, he governed with full domestic political control.
  • As an EU member state, Hungary was a net beneficiary of EU funds.
  • The condition of being “small and poor” is not external coercion, but the outcome of internal political choices.

👉 Core lie:
Present-day failures are blamed on traumas from 100 years ago.


3️⃣ “We will be great and wealthy” – rhetoric vs. social reality

“…I want Hungarians to be great and wealthy…”

The balance sheet after 15 years:

  • The real income gap has widened, not narrowed.
  • The middle class is eroding; lower strata are frozen in place.
  • “Wealth” = a narrow NER elite.
  • Mass emigration: those who can leave, do.

👉 Core lie:
By “Hungarians,” he does not mean society as a whole, but a loyalist elite.


4️⃣ “I’m not finished yet” – the normalization of permanent power

“I’m not finished yet.”

What it actually means:

  • No closure
  • No accountability
  • No end state

This is not a vision—it is a permanent state of exception.

👉 Core lie:
Politics is framed as a historical mission so that power can never be relinquished.


🔴 Conclusion – what becomes clear after 15 years?

This quote is no longer a promise—it is a confession:

  • ❌ He did not govern well—and does not consider it important
  • ❌ Failures are always someone else’s fault
  • ❌ Wealth accumulation is not collective, but clientelist
  • ❌ Power exists to perpetuate itself

👉 This is not nation-building. It is narrative self-absolution.


How Fidesz Uses Municipal Assemblies for National Political Propaganda

“The video shows how Fidesz uses municipal assemblies for national party-political propaganda on matters over which the given body has neither legal jurisdiction nor decision-making authority.”

“The recording makes it clear that placing personal income tax, nationwide tax policy, and issues falling under parliamentary competence on a municipal agenda is legally unfounded and serves exclusively as political message-manufacturing.”

“This is not a local public matter, not a municipal competence, but a deliberate overstepping of institutional authority.”


WHY IS THIS VIDEO STRONG?

Based on the uploaded transcript:

  • It clearly states that
    👉 personal income tax, special taxes, and nationwide tax policy are not municipal competencies.
  • The technique is exposed:
    • pre-written propaganda text
    • disguised as a “verbal motion”
    • forcing a political position without legal authority
  • A clear contrast emerges:
    • a “hypothetical TISZA tax”
    • versus 20 already implemented Fidesz tax increases that have actually burdened residents
  • The key line is spoken: “They want to talk about nothing. They are shadowboxing.”

This is not an opinion, but procedural and jurisdictional criticism.

Kubatov Gábor

Coincidence? Hardly…

“Do you know the cost of Péter Magyar’s austerity package? 1,300 billion forints. Exactly the same amount that the Union is asking from us to support Ukraine. Is that a coincidence? Hardly.

While the TISZA Program includes the privatization of healthcare, the privatization of pension funds, and a record-level VAT increase, they claim this is all being done in the name of social justice. The reality is much simpler: we are talking about 1,300 billion forints in austerity. And that is exactly the same amount Brussels wants to give Ukraine as war support.

And when the special issue of Bors points this out, Péter Magyar reacts hysterically—he would ban it, silence it, have it taken down. I ask: what is he afraid of? Why is the mood so “peppery”? Perhaps because his austerity package has been exposed.

Because while they talk about lofty goals, let us not forget: 24 countries, for the first time in history, have given a war loan to a non-EU country. And anyone who gives a loan wants it repaid. That can only happen if Russia is defeated. In other words, the danger is greater than ever.

This is not social policy. This is not in the interest of Hungarian families. This is wartime austerity.

We Hungarians will say no to the privatization of healthcare.
We will say no to the privatization of pensions.
We will say no to record-high VAT.
And we will say no to Hungary being reduced to the role of a wallet in Brussels’ war.

We stand on the side of peace. On the side of Hungarian families, Hungarian workers, and Hungarian pensioners.

Share this if you also want peace and not war—and check your mailbox: the truth is in there.

If you want a shorter, punchier, or more neutral/journalistic version, tell me which style you prefer.