Author: sneff

– What are you reading, Minister?

– I’m currently reading the banned copy of the newspaper Bors, because in the 1980s truth itself became samizdat.

One of the capital’s Tisza-affiliated judges banned a special edition of the paper Bors that describes the truth about what the Tisza people actually want to do. The big Tisza austerity package is coming: people will have to pay more taxes and earn less. While Fidesz says more income and lower utility costs, the Tisza people are thinking in terms of lower wages and higher utility bills, through austerity and taxes. And what is truly shocking is that in Hungary in 2025 a judge decides to ban the truth and ban a newspaper. How lucky we are that Hungarian judges are independent — which apparently means they only flatter the Tisza Party.

The message sent by Lázár János, on behalf of the government, to the courts and to the people of Hungary is that he does not regard the judiciary as a legitimate, independent institution. Instead, he presents it as a political adversary that “conceals the truth,” thereby preemptively calling into question any future judicial decision that may be unfavorable to him or to the government.

They are showcasing a banned newspaper on a propaganda Facebook page.

An entire arena is applauding, including many Fidesz supporters.
And by now even they no longer know what actually happened during their own party’s time in power, because propaganda is propaganda.

This is the point where, for large crowds, it no longer matters what is really happening:
it’s no longer about common sense, but about winning at any cost, because otherwise there will be consequences.

And for that, everyone is used.
Even our own Fidesz people are told to lie.

I called Mihály Varga, the President of the National Bank, and asked him whether I remembered correctly that Hungary’s gold reserves were 3 tons in 2010. He said yes, I remembered correctly.
I then said: help me out, tell me what they are now. He said: 110 tons.
So the gold reserves increased from 3 tons to 110 tons.

If we put this into more everyday terms and say that in 2010 I had 3 million forints in my savings account, and over 15 years it grew to 110 million, that would be a significant increase in wealth, right?

Well, it’s the same with the gold reserves.

Contrary to popular belief, the gradual reduction of Hungary’s gold reserves did not begin after the regime change, but already in the second half of the 1980s. At that time, the reserves were reduced from nearly 80 tons first to 50 tons, and by 1993 they had fallen to the long-standing level of 3.1 tons at the central bank.

Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance was in government in Hungary during the following period:
1998–2002

During this time, nothing changed with regard to the gold reserves.

In the autumn of 2018, the Hungarian National Bank announced that it would increase the country’s gold reserves tenfold.

classic pro-government smear and fear-mongering narrative aimed at discrediting Magyar Péter and the Tisza Party.

1️⃣ The “hidden austerity” claim

Government-aligned outlets such as Magyar Nemzet and Bors claim that the Tisza Party is preparing a “brutal austerity package” (tax hikes, cuts to family benefits, VAT increases).
👉 No concrete evidence is provided—only references to “leaked plans” and speculative analyses, which Magyar Péter consistently denies.

2️⃣ Reframing a court ruling as censorship

After a court temporarily banned the distribution of a special issue of Bors (the ruling is not final), the narrative shifts to the claim that
👉 “Magyar Péter wants to ban newspapers.”
This is a deliberate role reversal: a legal dispute is framed as political censorship.

3️⃣ Undermining judicial independence

Government figures, including Kocsis Máté, use insinuations to suggest personal or family links between the judge and the Tisza Party.
👉 This indirectly delegitimizes the court, while rhetorically pretending to defend judicial independence.

4️⃣ Historical fear-mongering

Politicians such as Rétvári Bence and Orbán Balázs invoke the pre-1989 communist era and repression of the press.
👉 The aim is emotional mobilization, even though the decision itself was a legal, not political, act.

5️⃣ Media counter-attack

Bors announces it will publish the content online as well, adopting a martyr-style “free press” posture to escalate the conflict and reinforce its narrative.

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🔎 One-sentence conclusion

This story is not really about austerity or press freedom, but about a campaign narrative designed to portray
→ Magyar Péter as a censor,
→ the Tisza Party as a hidden threat, and
→ the judiciary as politically suspicious,
relying on insinuation and emotional pressure rather than verifiable facts.

We are rubbing pepper under Péter Magyar’s nose: everyone has the right to know the Tisza Party’s tax-increase plans!

Bottom ticker:

MAGYAR NEMZET: PÉTER MAGYAR WOULD HIDE THE TISZA PARTY’S BRUTAL AUSTERITY PACKAGE FROM THE PEOPLE

Embedded Facebook post (excerpt):

Balázs Orbán
“We are rubbing pepper under Péter Magyar’s nose: everyone has the right to know the Tisza Party’s tax-increase plans!”