I am the chairman of the Fidesz organization of Budapest’s 13th district.
Here are two truly “smart” patrons of the war, who even finance a golden toilet from 🫵 your money! Now go ahead and do what they do! @enthusiastic fans
In 2022, Hungary’s sovereignty was most strongly attacked by the then Washington administration and by George Soros; today, those attacks are coming from Brussels. The reason is that the liberal elite, by financing the domestic opposition, wants to bring down the national government. We, too, will have a word or two to say about this.
Well, maybe someday, if it comes up, we can remember it then.
*It’s been a tough week. Brussels, tear gas, water cannons, then a long journey to Szeged. But it seems it was worth it, because in just these seven days alone, 1 MILLION of you were curious about my content. 😱
Huge thanks — even to the laughing-emoji sectarians, who spread my content even with their mocking reactions. Maybe some of them also have acquaintances who enjoy thinking and independent opinions 🤷🏻♀️
So a kiss to them too, especially during Advent.
And now I’ve switched into full Christmas-preparation mode. My traditional gingerbread is baking: half for the kids, half for the tree.
I wish everyone joyful preparations, and once again, thank you all so gratefully for your attention ❤️❤️❤️🇭🇺*
What would happen if the Tisza formed a government?
– What would happen if, in 2026, Péter Magyar became prime minister and a Tisza majority formed a government? – I cannot imagine such a scenario. – The kind of blackmail potential created by his immunity, and by the entire left-wing elite surrounding him and pushing Tisza, makes it simply unimaginable that anything would happen other than doing exactly what Brussels tells us. – The level of security we currently live with would not exist in Hungary. That’s why it’s better not to take risks; it’s better to vote for us. – I’m a person with a positive mindset, and somehow I believe that just as four years ago—when the opposition was very loud on social media, including on my own pages, saying it was all over—there ended up being another two-thirds majority, I believe in the same outcome now as well.
The statement is a classic piece of internal mobilization propaganda, not intended for debate or analysis.
Key elements:
Making alternatives unthinkable: It suggests that Magyar Péter and the Tisza Party coming to power is not a realistic option, thereby psychologically closing off further consideration.
Fear-mongering (the “Brussels narrative”): References to “blackmail,” “immunity,” the “left-wing elite,” and “Brussels dictates” are used to create the impression that any change of government would automatically mean → loss of sovereignty → loss of security → foreign control.
Security = Fidesz: The current situation is presented as stable and safe, while change is framed as a risk. This is a classic status quo–defense technique.
Internal reassurance and self-justification: Mentioning previous two-thirds majorities is not evidence but psychological conditioning: “We’ve seen this before → we will win again.”
Essence: This is not fact-based argumentation, but a loyalty-reinforcing speech aimed at a closed, friendly audience, where the goal is not persuasion but to ensure that 👉 “you don’t think, you don’t doubt, you stay with us—because the other side is dangerous.”
“What we can see is that everyone is now lining up behind the Tisza Party. There is a madman who defected from Fidesz, called Péter Magyar, whom these old SZDSZ, MSZP, left-wing, tried-and-tested crooks are trying to push in front of themselves as a kind of buffer layer — so that if the result doesn’t turn out the way they expect, they can hide behind him.
And every figure shows this, except for their own activist-operated polling institutes, which claim the Tisza Party is leading by 15 points, 20 points, or who knows how many points.
The reliable numbers clearly show that the governing parties are in the lead.
— Free Hungarians.”
This text attempts to construct a classic smear and relativization narrative against the Tisza Party and Péter Magyar.
The main messages, briefly:
They claim that support behind the Tisza Party is not genuine, but artificially manufactured.
They seek to discredit Péter Magyar personally, using extreme, stigmatizing labels (“mentally unstable,” “defector from Fidesz”) in order to present him not as a political alternative, but as a deviant figure.
The Tisza Party is portrayed as being pushed forward by former SZDSZ, MSZP, and left-wing actors, used as a kind of “buffer layer.”
The aim is to suggest that if the project fails, the blame can later be shifted onto these “old crooks,” rather than onto the governing system itself.
Opinion polls are preemptively dismissed as manipulated, with the claim that only “activist polling institutes” show an advantage for Tisza.
In contrast, by referring to so-called “reliable numbers,” they assert that the governing parties are actually in the lead, implying that every other narrative is a lie.
👉 Essentially: They do not engage with programs or facts. Instead, they try in advance to delegitimize both the opponent and the data about them, while presenting their own position as “the only reality.”
This is a classic propaganda technique: personal attacks + scapegoating + delegitimizing statistics + the narrative of “we are the only rational voice
in every answer, defines who is “fit” and who is “unfit”
sells his own impatience and harshness as superiority
👉 This is not humility, but hierarchical condescension—just expressed in disciplined language.
2️⃣ “I only execute orders” — the classic whitewash
Key sentence:
“I work for Viktor Orbán; I do what he tells me.”
This is not loyalty, but responsibility-shifting.
If there is success → “collective work”
If there is failure → “I didn’t decide”
👉 The Fidesz technocrat’s escape route: power without responsibility.
3️⃣ “This is what voters want” — but which voters?
Constant references to:
“the people”
“Hungarian reality”
“the will of the nation”
Meanwhile:
anyone who thinks differently → unfit
anyone who questions → old elite
anyone who doesn’t get it → politically disposable
👉 This is not representation; it’s a chosen-leader–subordinate-mass logic.
4️⃣ Open relativization of democracy
One of the most serious points of the conversation:
he states that liberal democracy does not work
institutions “obstruct” strong leadership
a two-thirds majority is framed not as an exception, but as the norm
👉 This is not a slip—it’s an ideological position: retrospective justification of unlimited power.
5️⃣ The lie of “we don’t debate”
He claims:
“We don’t debate individuals, we debate forces.”
What he actually does:
personal labeling
character assassination
psychologizing (“unfit,” “kindergarten,” “politics of revenge”)
👉 This is cowardly communication: he hits, while pretending he didn’t.
6️⃣ Populism he denies—but practices
He claims:
no crude simplification
no demagoguery
His logic:
there are two paths
no third option
anyone not with us → drags the country back to pre-2010
👉 Textbook populism—just in a suit.
⚠️ The most embarrassing internal contradiction
He simultaneously claims:
he is just a tool
he is not building himself
And yet:
he is the one who “understands the era”
he is the one who “is not afraid”
he is the one who is “fit to lead”
👉 The classic pose: “I don’t want to be a leader—but nothing works without me.”
For his own camp, this is the most dangerous message: not open betrayal, but quiet positioning.
🔚 Short, internal-facing summary
Lázár János is not humble, but impatient. He does not serve; he ranks. He does not simplify; he excludes. He does not debate; he labels. And he does not assume responsibility—only power.
European politicians and NATO leaders are now openly talking about a war the likes of which our grandfathers last witnessed. Such a war would have many victims—not only Europe’s economy and household cost protections, but also the lives and future of our children.
In Brussels, 24 EU member states have now made a dangerous decision. They are granting war loans to Ukraine. This means they have become even more deeply involved in the war and have a vested interest in its continuation—because they will only get their money back if the war is won.
We Hungarians do not want to be dragged into another European war, because we know what war is like. In every Hungarian family, the scars of past wars still live on; we know the losses wars have caused us.
We have said no to this war madness. We do not accept that the Hungarian people should pay the price for decisions made by others.
Defending peace is not weakness—it is responsibility.
European politicians, including the NATO Secretary General, are talking about a war unlike anything we have seen since the time of our grandfathers and great-grandfathers, and about having to accept that such a war would have victims—not only in the European economy and household cost protections, but even among our own children. We are not willing to accept this.
What has happened in Brussels in recent days is once again deeply alarming. What happened exactly? Three countries, including Hungary, refused to agree to granting a war loan to Ukraine. The other 24 member states, however, went along with it.
This means that those member states which are now taking on enormous amounts of debt in order to lend this money to Ukraine will only ever see that money returned if Ukraine wins the war. The consequence of this is that, unfortunately, these countries will become interested in the continuation of the war and in Ukraine trying to win it. And I think we all know how realistic that outcome is.
What is clear, however, is that if this war madness continues, then like a spark, in a single moment, it could sadly turn into a Europe-wide war between Europe and Ukraine.
We do not want to be dragged into this war, because every single time there has been an armed conflict between East and West, Central Europe has never been spared. In every Hungarian family there are stories about how war crippled a family for life.