István Forgács, an expert on Roma affairs. Why is it important for civic governance to continue? Because a civic government provides opportunities for everyone who wants to move forward. That is why we must continue on this path without hesitation. It is very important that the future destiny of Budapest is shaped in North Pest, and in this process Balázs Németh will be the guarantee. It is a responsibility—but I accept it. Work, work, work. Together, we will succeed.
Viktor Orbán has asked Péter Szijjártó to summon the Ukrainian ambassador. There are limits to everything. Ukraine cannot threaten Hungarians or interfere in Hungarian elections—no matter how much it would like to see a Ukraine-friendly puppet government formed with the Tisza Party.
The situation is that even patience has its limits, and that limit has now been reached. More precisely, Viktor Orbán has instructed Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó to have the Ukrainian ambassador summoned. The reason for this is that in recent days and weeks, serious threats and extremely harsh remarks have been coming to Hungary from Ukraine.
We understand what is driving this. Clearly, Ukraine would much prefer to see a government in Hungary that obediently fulfills all Ukrainian demands, sends Hungarian money to Ukraine, or supports Ukraine’s accession to the European Union without any conditions. But we will not give in to this.
The reality is that we do not ignore what the national security services suspect lies behind this action—namely, that Ukrainians are attempting to interfere in the Hungarian elections. We do not ignore this. We will defend Hungarian sovereignty, and we will protect the Hungarian people and their money as well.
We do not want Hungarian elections to be influenced from abroad, resulting in a government being imposed on us that, without any scruples, carries out whatever is good for Ukraine. And it is clear that the Ukrainians are hoping for precisely such a government—one that would do everything Ukraine wants—formed under the leadership of the Tisza Party.
Well, we will also have a word or two about this. And first and foremost, that word will come directly from Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó, who will summon the Ukrainian ambassador.
1️⃣ Reframing the Enemy: Brussels → Ukraine
Previously, the main “villain” was Brussels. Now the narrative escalates: Ukraine appears as an active, attacking external enemy.
👉 Function:
to refresh the threat (“aren’t you bored of Brussels yet?”),
to pull domestic politics into a wartime context,
to designate a more emotionally powerful, more frightening opponent.
This is not a change in facts, but a narrative update.
2️⃣ “Puppet government” + “Tisza” = classic guilt by association
The Tisza Party is not presented as an independent political actor, but as:
“pro-Ukrainian”
“servile”
an “executor”
👉 Important: They do not cite a single concrete decision, statement, or document. They only apply labels.
This is not evidence, but character-assassination framing.
3️⃣ “National security” as a magic word
“What the national security services suspect…”
This is one of the strongest rhetorical tricks.
What does it do?
says nothing concrete,
cannot be verified,
yet is presented as unquestionable.
👉 If you ask for details: “It’s a national security matter, not public.”
This is a textbook case of appealing to authority without proof.
4️⃣ Symbolic show of force: “we summon the ambassador”
Orbán Viktor → gives the order Péter Szijjártó → “summons” the ambassador
👉 Its communication role:
“we are strong,”
“we will protect you,”
even if the concrete issue itself is unclear.
This is theater for a domestic audience, not a diplomatic solution.
5️⃣ Preparing the delegitimization of the election
When they say:
“Ukraine wants to interfere in the Hungarian elections,”
they are not only attacking the opponent, but also:
👉 pre-emptively relativizing the election result. If they lose:
“there was foreign interference,”
“it wasn’t really the people’s decision.”
This is narrative insurance in advance.
🧠 What is the overall effect on you?
Fear (war, external attack)
Distrust toward any alternative
A sense of “now is not the time to experiment”
Loyalty reflex instead of critical thinking
This is not information. This is emotional mobilization plus political panic-mongering.
🎯 The whole thing in one sentence:
It’s not about Ukraine. It’s not about Tisza. It’s about justifying the defense of internal power positions by invoking an external enemy — the closer April gets, the louder it becomes.
Kövér László (born December 29, 1959, in Pápa) is a Hungarian lawyer and politician, and one of the founding members of Fidesz in 1988. He has been a Member of Parliament continuously since 1990 and has served as Speaker of the Hungarian National Assembly since 2010, making him one of the longest-serving parliamentary speakers in Europe.
He briefly acted as interim President of Hungary in 2012 and again in 2024, following the resignations of Schmitt Pál and Novák Katalin, until a new president was elected.
Politically, Kövér is considered one of the most ideologically hardline figures within Fidesz. He is widely described as Viktor Orbán’s closest political ally and enforcer—often referred to as Orbán’s “right hand”. While Orbán sets the strategic direction, Kövér is known for strictly enforcing party discipline, shaping parliamentary norms, and defending the government’s illiberal political vision.
He represents the national-conservative, anti-liberal core of the Fidesz system and is a frequent critic of liberal democracy, civil society organizations, and the European Union’s political institutions.
According to Hungary’s Influence Barometer (2020), Kövér László was ranked as the 14th most influential person in the country, reflecting his behind-the-scenes power rather than public popularity.
Pintér Bence is the new mayor, who is being continuously attacked by former Fidesz mayors and other Fidesz figures. Despite this, Pintér Bence stands his ground against the attacks, and he is right in every respect. This is exactly the mentality of the Fidesz–Orbán camp: wherever they lose power, they do not try to cooperate but instead attack, undermine, and attempt to delegitimize the new leadership. This pattern is the same across the entire country.
And now he shamelessly stands up here and starts blaming Fidesz for what you failed to do: to work for this city, so that we, the representatives and the people of Győr, would not end up in a situation where you, through legal obstruction, prevent us from burying our dead. And that is what this is about. Yes.
You not only failed to work, but you even did wrong what you didn’t do. You are completely unfit.
Even what you didn’t do, you did wrong.
Exactly. Even that. You are completely unfit to lead the city, so what we are seeing here now is your own parody.
Péter Boncsorovski and the Fidesz faction are spreading fear, saying that only prayer can resolve the issue of cemetery operation in the city of Győr. From January, eight cemeteries in Győr and one in Abda will be closed, because Bence Pintér failed—through negligence—to initiate the process that would ensure the operation and maintenance of the cemeteries. We, the Fidesz–KDNP faction, are praying that the procedure will be successful.
Mr. Mayor, Honorable General Assembly, unfortunately I must say that what I presented to the press yesterday, and what I informed the public about on my social media pages—along with Representative Borsi—are facts. Nine cemeteries may close from January. This is where the negligent and careless behavior of Bence Pintér and the chief clerk, János Kálván, has led us. Let us discuss this issue based on facts.
Indeed, the 15-year cemetery operation contract will expire on January 1, 2026. Under this contract, Győr’s cemeteries were operated for an annual fee of 140 million forints. That was the municipal subsidy in 2025. Under the Cemetery Act, this contract cannot be extended, and under public procurement law, the service must be put out to tender.
On September 5, the municipal office requested indicative price offers, including from Győr-Szol, and based on these, on October 30 we had to announce a tender with an annual gross framework of 520 million forints, which was approved by the Administrative and Financial Committee. This is a massive increase—more than three and a half times the previous amount.
We are therefore setting strict accounting conditions to ensure that the winning company actually spends Győr residents’ money on cemetery operation and maintenance, and that any remaining funds at year-end are returned to the budget.
What happens if the public procurement fails? A financial agreement proposal and draft have been prepared for this contingency, allowing us to continue financing Győr-Szol’s public services, cemetery operation, and funeral services.
You have been leading the city for more than 440 days. Your negligence and indifference have led directly to a situation where, from January 1, there will be no one to open the cemeteries, no one to ensure that Győr residents—or anyone arriving in Győr—can even enter them.
This is not fearmongering. This is not lying. This is not obstruction. And it is not incitement. These are simple, plain facts, and information about your faulty governance. I regret that we have reached this point. Győr deserves better than you.
The basic premise of public procurement is that we cannot know in advance who will operate our cemeteries, and whether the market will solve this task. But I have good news: a financial agreement has been completed, thanks to which cemeteries will open after January 1, and funerals can take place in the city of Győr.
Stop what you are doing. This is not a game. This is a matter of dignity. It concerns deaths, and whether we can provide proper final respect to the people of Győr. Stop frightening the citizens of Győr. You do this locally, and you do it nationally. This city is fed up with it—and so is this country.
Mr. Deputy Mayor, soon that half-learned theatrical role you are playing here will no longer be enough. You may have invented a financial agreement, but it is far from certain that it will work. This is once again your own brainchild, and there is no guarantee that it represents an appropriate solution.
This, in itself, is tragic. Győr was a prosperous city for decades. Now we have reached a point where we don’t know what will happen in less than two weeks. Why? Because you did not start this work process. We are partners in everything, but while we, as the assembly, can provide tools and make decisions, you are the ones who must do the work.
Yes, that is exactly the problem—you are not doing the work. Why does the councillor responsible for city operations not do his job? If he does not, then criticize his work as well. We expect such contributions from the Fidesz faction, because it is the councillor’s duty to signal problems in time.
But your own councillor failed to signal this issue—neither to you nor to us. We will solve the problem, as always. And you say that you give us tools? No—you have been taking tools away from us continuously since September 24 of last year. You take tools away, you don’t give them. Everyone in this city knows under what conditions we are working, amid constant obstruction. You narrowed our basic operational framework, took away our tools, and then criticized us according to the usual, tired script.
Roland Fodor has the floor.
Thank you. Mr. Mayor, Honorable Assembly. Listening to you, one is confronted with the marriage of inexperience and arrogance.
Why is the councillor responsible for city operations, Jenő Szabó, not speaking on this issue? Why does he receive his salary if not to help Győr organize effective city operations? Councillor, please tell us what you believe the solution is to Péter Boncsorovski’s fears. Is praying really enough—or should you maybe work as well?
And once again, someone shamelessly stands up here and blames Fidesz for what you failed to do: to work for this city, so that we do not end up in a situation where, through legal obstruction, we cannot bury our dead. That is what this is about. Yes, Mr. Deputy Mayor.
Representative, my late father taught me—and I often say—that whoever shouts has no truth on their side. And what I see is that you come here to shout and provoke every single time. There seems to be a quota for how much one must shout at a general assembly—I don’t know whether you set it yourself or someone set it for you. You always fulfill it, then go home.
I ask you to refrain from this tone and from potentially offensive remarks toward others. You are crossing the line. Thank you.
A procedural motion by Zsolt Borkai. Let’s hope. Please calm down a little, Representative.
Mr. Mayor, I believe everyone has their own style. It is not your role to lecture me about that. I come here and do what my representative mandate allows: I formulate criticism—and I will continue to do so, including against you and the deputy mayor. If that bothers you, then that is your problem. I do not believe this belongs to the category of procedural motions.
I would like to note that my task is to preserve the dignity of the deliberation, and you have crossed that boundary multiple times. As usual, what happens is this: you support things, you pocket the money, but you don’t ask for the work to be done. Then the representative pockets the money and comes here to shout. That is what you have brought to the table in recent months.
Péter Hajtó, procedural motion.
Mr. Mayor, I believe every representative works. Please do not insult us. Thank you.
You not only failed to work, but you even did wrong what you didn’t do. You are completely unfit.
You even did wrong what you didn’t do.
Exactly. Even that. You are completely unfit to lead the city. What we are seeing here is your own parody. This entire situation has not been turned into a parody by us—but by you.
The article argues that Máté Kocsis falsely claimed that “farmers hate Péter Magyar,” based on a video shared by the pro-government outlet Mandiner from a farmers’ protest in Strasbourg.
Key point of criticism:
The people presented as “farmers” in the video are not independent, ordinary farmers, but Fidesz-linked political actors:
One is Cseh Tibor András, secretary general of MAGOSZ and a founder of a Fidesz-aligned digital civic circle.
The other is Soltész András, the Fidesz mayor of Tiszaszőlős.
Despite this, Kocsis and Mandiner framed the confrontation as if it reflected the general opinion of farmers against Péter Magyar.
Péter Magyar’s position:
At a press conference in Strasbourg, he said the Mercosur agreement should be renegotiated.
Unlike the European People’s Party, the Tisza Party would support referring the agreement to the European Court of Justice, arguing it was adopted in violation of EU law.
Magyar also stated that Fidesz had no real presence at the protest, while earlier supporting the Mercosur deal, which he says is harmful to Hungarian agriculture.
Wider context:
According to AFP, thousands of farmers protested at the European Parliament against the EU–Mercosur free trade agreement.
Opponents argue the deal would damage European farmers, weaken food safety and environmental standards, and accelerate deforestation in South America.
Supporters claim it is strategically necessary to strengthen the EU’s economic and geopolitical position amid U.S. trade wars and growing Chinese influence.
Overall conclusion: The article concludes that the claim “farmers hate Péter Magyar” is misleading and propagandistic, as it relies on two Fidesz-affiliated figures being presented as representatives of farmers as a whole, while the real protests involved a broad and politically diverse group of European farmers opposing the Mercosur agreement.